Indo-Pacific? For Italy it Mainly Means ASEAN

The most distinctive feature of Italy’s approach to the Indo-Pacific lies in the depth with which it seeks to expand relations with Southeast Asian countries: almost a unicum in Europe

By Emanuele Ballestracci

When, in 2008, the Obama administration inaugurated a new era of American foreign policy with the now famous “Pivot to Asia,” few would have imagined that little more than a decade later Europe would also partially follow in its footsteps. The Indo-Pacific region — whose precise geographical boundaries vary depending on the parameters adopted by each actor — is increasingly at the center of the European Union’s and its member states’ strategic interests. Since 2018, the year France published its Indo-Pacific strategy, these interests have taken shape in policy documents drafted by European governments. The Netherlands, Germany, the United Kingdom, the Czech Republic, and Lithuania — as well as the EU itself — have all followed France’s example. Italy, however, still lacks an official strategy, though parliamentary work to define one began in 2023.

Although it does not yet have a fully codified framework and lacks the resources of powers with a stable presence such as the United Kingdom and France, Italy’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific has nevertheless helped position Rome as a credible partner for regional actors. For more than fifteen years, Italy has deepened its ties with the region through a multidimensional and consistent approach, despite the proverbial discontinuity of its governments.

A turning point in Italy’s Indo-Pacific trajectory came in 2007, when Rome joined the Pacific Islands Forum as a Dialogue Partner — after France and the United Kingdom, but before Germany and Spain. Since then, Italy has expanded a network of strategic partnerships with its traditional regional allies: with South Korea in 2018, and with India and Japan in 2023, followed in 2024 by Joint Strategic Action Plans with New Delhi and Tokyo. In 2019 it also joined the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) as a Dialogue Partner, one of only three European countries to do so.

On the defense front, industrial and military cooperation have emerged as crucial areas, particularly with the launch in 2022 of the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), a trilateral partnership with the United Kingdom and Japan to develop a sixth-generation fighter jet. Over the past decade, the Italian Navy has also carried out regular missions in the area: the frigate Carabiniere in 2017, ITS Morosini in 2023, ITS Montecuccoli and F-35As in Japan in 2024, and ITS Antonio Marceglia in 2025. Italy also took part in Operation AGENOR — the European maritime security initiative in the Strait of Hormuz — from July 2022 to January 2023, assuming command and contributing two frigates and air assets.

The most significant peculiarity of Italy’s approach, however, lies in the depth with which Rome has extended its relations with Southeast Asian countries — almost a unicum compared with the orientations of other European countries such as the Netherlands and Germany. These latter tend to emphasize cooperation with “like-minded partners” — the United States, Japan, South Korea, India, and Australia — to strengthen their regional presence, while the United Kingdom relies heavily on minilateral forums that exclude ASEAN.

Italy, instead, has significantly reinforced its engagement with Southeast Asia, launching collaborations and consolidating partnerships on multiple levels. Memoranda of Understanding of an economic nature have been signed with Indonesia and Thailand, while in 2020 Rome became an ASEAN Development Partner. Italian companies have also worked with Vietnam, Indonesia, and Thailand in supplying machinery and industrial equipment for manufacturing modernization, and have developed projects with the Philippines and Malaysia in renewable energy and climate transition. ASEAN was also identified as a strategic priority in the “Action Plan for Italian Exports to High-Potential Extra-EU Markets” presented in June 2025, with Italian exports reaching €10.7 billion in 2024 — a 10.3% increase over the previous year.

In this context, the strengthening of ties with Malaysia is emblematic: the visit of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim to Rome in July 2025, culminating in a summit with Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, marked the evolution of relations with Putrajaya into a strategic partnership. Italy-Malaysia relations have consolidated across all levels, thanks also to contributions from the private sector and Italian giants such as Leonardo, Fincantieri, and Eni. Relations with Indonesia have also grown significantly: in 2024 the country became the main importer of Italian armaments, with acquisitions worth €1.25 billion and a historic contract with Fincantieri and Leonardo for two multipurpose patrol vessels. Rumors have also circulated about possible new agreements, including the sale of the aircraft carrier Garibaldi.

Deepening relations with ASEAN countries thus constitutes a cornerstone of Italy’s renewed interest in the Indo-Pacific. Alongside cooperation with traditional partners, Rome has in fact significantly strengthened its ties with Southeast Asian capitals on diplomatic, economic, and defense levels. This approach differs from that of other European actors, even though both the EU and ASEAN are united in their support for principles such as multilateralism and the centrality of international law.