Speech by Ambassador Michelangelo Pipan, President of the Italy-ASEAN Association, at the 20th ASEAN–European Academic University Network Meeting
The 20th plenary meeting of the ASEAN–European Academic University Network is taking place in Brescia, under the theme “For a Peaceful and Sustainable Development.” In a packed program of events running until Friday, September 12, discussions will focus on cooperation between Europe and ASEAN, starting from the academic front. During the opening ceremony on Tuesday, September 9, Ambassador Michelangelo Pipan, President of the Italy-ASEAN Association, delivered a speech. The full text of his keynote address is presented below.
***
Distinguished delegates, Let me first of all thank the Rector of the University of Brescia for the invitation and congratulate your group for the longsighted and much-needed initiative of dedicating your attention to promoting relations between Europe and ASEAN. I went through your website and was very impressed by the long list of projects, both completed and ongoing, you have developed in an extremely vast array of subjects. I also noted with appreciation the theme you have chosen for this 20th plenary meeting. I cannot but congratulate and rejoice in your deep commitment in pursuing something I consider of paramount importance for the shared interests of Europe and ASEAN and their member countries, that is promoting interaction and reciprocal awareness so that to boost relations, also beyond academia, in every possible field. There is much scope and merit in that. As you will see, these few words can well serve to introduce, even summarise, the essential sense of the speech I am going to deliver.
I am asked to illustrate my views about the Perspectives of the ASEAN–Europe relations. Perspectives in themselves depend on a set of variables, either internal, inherent to the protagonists or external, belonging to the general context. Both vary across time, depending on many factors. As a spoiler, I can anticipate that in this particular moment in time I consider these perspectives as more favorable than ever and that it is up to the parties to seize the opportunity as it arises and commit to make the best of it.
Let’s turn our attention first to the broader picture and consider those general conditions. Looking at the global geopolitical situation, we cannot fail to note that these are rather unprecedented times, that this Meeting happens in a very extraordinary international context.
We are all aware that since the beginning of the year the world has been trying to cope with a continuously changing situation both unexpected and unusual, full of menacing forebodings for world order and even peace. As often in such cases though, they are not deprived of opportunities.
The fundamentals of the international economic order have been shaken not to say upended; world trade is free falling into disarray and fragmentation; supply chains are being re-organised while climate change looms as an existential challenge that can only be faced through common efforts of the international community—a shared vision now even more complex to achieve.
This —and I stress the point— will be the situation even if the American administration completely revised its stance. Trust on an order based on shared and stable pillars has been shaken possibly forever. States are compelled to reshape their policies, look around for new partners with the urge to differentiate sourcing for prime materials and investment goods, while seeking new markets for their exports. In doing this they will look for likeminded partners, while avoiding being too dependent on any specific one. All this did not obviously limit its effects to the economic sphere (it could hardly have), and while we watch the often-dramatic situation as worried as could be, we can only hope that eventually reason and moderation will prevail.
With this premise Europe and ASEAN certainly have in their DNA a lot to contribute to the international community pursuit of a positive outcome as well as important perspectives to look forward to in their relations.
If, as it has been said, this is going to be the Asian Century, there are no better bridges to keep Europe apace and share its benefits.
ASEAN can boast an impressive success in preserving peace and developing the economy, and has a clean record as a stalwart champion of multilateralism and free trade, supported by diplomatic neutrality and non alignment. In this respect I would like to quote the UN Secretary General who, at last year's ASEAN Summit, lauded the Association as "bridge-builders and messengers for peace, prioritising dialogue and respect of international law".
In recent years—and in these very days— ASEAN has been playing an admirable and efficient balancing act vis-à-vis the two superpowers, China and the US, who are also its two biggest economic partners, refusing to be pushed to take sides.
The risk ASEAN wants to avoid—now that economic relations with the US have become more problematic— is the role of China becoming overwhelming. Over the years ASEAN has built a far-reaching network of relations around the principle of "ASEAN CENTRALITY", which of course means that they consider themselves as the equidistant core of the system, with equal attitudes towards all partners. This, together with the much praised (and mostly successful) ASEAN WAY - essentially a strict noninterference attitude both outwards and inwards and a firm search for consensus away from the limelight’s - has been the fundament of their international policy, a powerful asset with which they can face the present turmoil.
On its side, Europe also believes in multilateralism and pursues peace and free trade, given exports’ paramount role in its economy.
The EU is the second largest trading subject in the world, accounting for around 14% of global trade in goods and services. Much like ASEAN, its prosperity depends on open markets and diversified partnerships. This parallel gives Europe and ASEAN a natural affinity as partners in defending - and reforming if needed - the multilateral trading system.
As for internal factors, let's begin with a few words about ASEAN and its member countries: encompassing ten countries at various levels of development (many now belonging to the middle income group), it counts around 670 million people with an average age of 30.5 years and a large middle class, its economy bound to grow steadily in the next decades when it is expected to be among the top four largest markets in the world.
Since its foundation in 1967, GDP growth has been impressive, recording rates unparalleled almost anywhere else. After the initial period, institutional integration has proceeded at a high pace, a pivotal point being the creation in 2015 of the ASEAN Community based on three pillars: Political-Security, Economic, and SocioCultural. After that the adoption of Roadmaps (first the ASEAN Vision 2025 then the AEC strategic plan 2026/2030 adopted last May) has defined progressively more ambitious goals of integration with the aim of strengthening the geopolitical role and resilience of the group with a special attention to sustainable development and inclusivity, looking at "leaving no one behind.”
More specifically, ASEAN’s new AEC Strategic Plan 2026–2030 sets concrete goals in digital integration, green transition, sustainable finance, climate resilience, and skills mobility— further aligning ASEAN priorities with those of Europe.
So, we are talking about a set of countries in constant growth characterised by and I list
- economies that in many cases have already reached significant levels of development with advanced technological sectors;
- democracies in continuous development, even if not yet complete;
- a generally positive attitude towards Europe, which predates the recent geopolitical shifts.
There is no denying some not irrelevant issues both of internal and international nature and that the "ASEAN WAY" has of late failed to work as in the past. Most prominent of course the case of Myanmar and the long-standing question of the South China Sea. I am nevertheless convinced that these issues do not change the general picture and that ASEAN path to progress will not be hindered: let's not forget that all these countries, bar Thailand, were under colonial rule until not many decades ago, and that some of the problems they are facing, as the ThaiCambodian dispute, are a legacy of those times.
As for Europe, we well know the long way it has gone since World War II.
Our brand of "regional organization" has no parallel. It may be argued that the challenges the EU is faced with now are showing the limits of its present structure, that there is the need for the Union of a radical change of pace. There is no doubt though, that the EU has been a vehicle for unparalleled growth, prosperity and peace for its members and has provided a precious context for the success of other European non member states as well, such those of the EFTA group.
The US being for both the biggest trade partner and given the still evolving tariff situation the EU and the other European countries are, similarly to ASEAN, in search of new horizons and in doing so cannot but look at each other. It is worth mentioning in this context, also to put things in perspective, the recently concluded trade agreement with Mercosur, together covering 780 million people and nearly a quarter of global GDP. While ratification is still pending, the treaty has been heralded as a major success, as EU–Mercosur trade was around €111 billion in 2023.
But ASEAN–EU trade reached €252.5 billion in goods in the same period, much more than double the size. These figures show ASEAN’s impressive importance, surpassing by far other large regional blocs.
Europe-ASEAN relations are generally excellent, both bilaterally between individual countries and between the two groups as a whole. The list of ASEAN-EUROPEAN UNION dialogue relations and activities is impressive and so is that of those with other European countries, such as Switzerland and the UK, that have both attained the status of Dialogue Partner of ASEAN.
EU and ASEAN elevated their ties to a Strategic Partnership in 2020, and multiple bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreements are in force, including with Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines and Thailand.
Following the tariff turmoil, it is very likely that new "constellations" of economic partnership will emerge: ASEAN has been traditionally very active in this direction, seeking broader perspectives for its trade, the most prominent example being the central role they played in favour of the RCEP treaty, entered into force in 2022, that abated 90% of tariffs between 15 countries representing 30% of the world GDP.
The EU and other European states can look at something similar, especially now: there are signals that the ongoing negotiation on FTAs— only two have been concluded for the moment, with Singapore and Vietnam—have got a boost by recent developments and perspectives of a comprehensive FTA between the two blocs appear brighter now. Negotiations have resumed with Thailand (2023), the Philippines (2024) and Malaysia (2025), while talks with Indonesia continue, with the goal of concluding by 2026. The EU is already ASEAN’s third largest trading partner, after China and the US, accounting for about 8–9% of ASEAN’s trade, while European FDI stock in ASEAN is by far the largest, exceeding €400 billion in 2022.
Significant opportunities for cooperation in new growth trajectories are thus opening up: ASEAN countries are engaged in the colossal enterprise of modernizing their economies along the lines of their Plans of Action: they have the will, the determination, the drive, the power. They are looking for partners with competences that can contribute to achieve their set priorities, that is: creating new sources of competitiveness; a sustainable community with climate-responsive policies; an innovative community, attuned to emerging trends; a resilient community, capable of withstanding shocks, stresses, crisis and volatility.
European societies and economies not only have those competences but are at the same time very well positioned: our skills are well known, highly appreciated and fit well within ASEAN priorities: just to mention a few, in line with ASEAN Post-2025 planning, renewable energies, industrial automation, infrastructures, health sector development including medical equipment, space and high tech.
ASEAN is a group that looks to the future, and Europe has the capacity to contribute to that effort.
A further point is paramount, and I draw it from my personal experience, the human factor. Local leadership and people are very open towards Europeans and, if I may, very much so towards Italians. Europeans are seen with sympathy, admiration and respect, things European are trendy, personal interaction is easy.
Our excellences—not only our products’ high content in design and technology, but also European achievements in sustainability, education, and research—are well known and admired.
If this was true even before the recent international turmoil, it has become significantly more so now: Europe comes with no strings attached (well ... not exactly if we look at the complexities of the FTA negotiations) at least no geopolitical strings; actually, it can (and it better should) offer itself as a partner with no direct political interest in the area and thus one to provide valuable support in the ASEAN balancing act between the two "big brothers" competing for its favours.
As the date of the East Asia Summit approaches, Anwar Ibrahim, the prime minister of Malaysia that chairs the Association, recently stressed their confidence, affirming that ASEAN is going to be "the biggest winner in global trade" and I will add that there is no doubt Europe will have a great part to play in the pursuit of that goal, as in these times of economic and political trouble our interests coincide, projecting a future of great opportunities.
All the considerations I have advanced until now lead to consider very likely a significant rise in economic/political/social relations between Europe and ASEAN. But a final point stands out: how to unlock this potential, how to turn perspectives into reality?
We must admit from the start that there is a deficit of awareness in Europe—certainly in Italy—about opportunities offered by ASEAN; in spite of several examples of great success, there is much room for European presence in the region to grow. To give a sense of proportion: in 2024 ASEAN trade with the EU represented about 8.8% of its total trade, while China accounted for over 20%, the US for around 12%, and Japan for about 8.5%.
How to act? What does the European Commission do, and what do individual countries do? Governments must take the lead in a factual way, beyond providing diplomatic frameworks. The EU, aside from making PCA and FTA agreements, concluded and under negotiation, supports platforms such as the EU–ASEAN Business Council, that organises the EU–ASEAN Business Summit annually. France has reinforced its Indo-Pacific strategy with ASEAN as a core partner; Germany has intensified academic and economic cooperation. After exiting the EU, the UK has promptly sought a formal framework for its relationship with the ASEAN and was conferred the status of Dialogue Partner of ASEAN on 2 August 2021. Switzerland and Norway have very close relations as well. On a very practical operative way many are intensifying their presence and launched ASEAN-focused trade missions; President Macron visited several ASEAN states in 2023/4 following in the footsteps of leaders from Japan, China, India and the US that have all visited ASEAN capitals in recent months, underlining the region’s global centrality.
The Italian Prime Minister too was due to visit Vietnam in these very days, only to be obliged to postpone because of the international situation. The political and business meeting that were to be held on the occasion took place nevertheless. In the recently adopted Action Plan for Italian Export, ASEAN has been included among the top priorities, with special stress on Vietnam, Thailand and Indonesia, and will benefit from new and more powerful tools for export promotion.
The non-governmental sector has a significant role to play too. Although Associations like the one I preside over can only get so far, we, like some others in Europe, made this our mission: to try and reach out to the widest audience and promote a better awareness of ASEAN. Working hand in hand with government institutions we have been at work for ten years now to promote better knowledge of ASEAN and to encourage more and more individuals, enterprises and institutions to explore those countries, to see for themselves their potential.
We have done this in many ways:
- a daily press review covering political and economic developments;
- a weekly newsletter that goes deeper on selected topics;
- we publish books;
- we organize meetings and presentations;
- we have of course been open to cooperations with all interested parties, in Italy and with every other European reality.
Allow me to point to one particular initiative we have promoted and has proved the most important instrument to serve our mission so far. We organize yearly, together with The European House–Ambrosetti, in a capital of the ASEAN countries, a meeting called HIGH LEVEL DIALOGUE on ASEAN–ITALY ECONOMIC RELATIONS which is aimed at fostering interpersonal contacts between high- ranking officials and entrepreneurs of the two sides. Every Dialogue has been crowned by a large success and has recorded a wide and important attendance. Other European examples exist too, both bilaterally and multilaterally, such as the Europe–ASEAN Business Summit, the EU– ASEAN Higher Education Platform, and the EU–ASEAN Business Council. This year, having completed the rotation of the main capitals, we plan to go back to Vietnam for the ninth edition.
Another major initiative we promoted has been the ITALY-ASEAN conference on Higher Education and Research, organised by the MAE and held in Rome in 2019, which gathered wide participation and was a great success—showing how academia can serve as a bridge in this partnership.
As a further step to help ASEAN awareness grow in Italy, The Italy ASEAN Association has floated the idea with the MAECI to coorganise an international conference under the title "ASEAN AWARENESS", along the lines of two similar initiatives that were held in the 2010s.
To conclude, the general political moment is favorable, new financial instruments have been made available by Governments, the ASEAN countries have many good reasons to look at partnerships with European companies. Ultimately though it is the interest of each specific community—business, cultural, social—that really matters to make all the ingredients blend together for success. Universities, in particular, have a central role: they are laboratories of innovation, exchange and awareness, and they embody the people-to-people dimension that gives depth and resilience to international partnerships.
Brilliant as the perspectives of Europe-ASEAN relations might be, a lot of work needs to be done, public and private sectors working together, to make them materializza. In this endeavour we have been engaged for the last ten years and will continue to do so, ready and willing to cooperate with all those interested in promoting deeper relations with ASEAN at the Italian as well as European level.
English 
Italian